Archive | July, 2018

Third Israel Today Symposium refreshes agenda

Posted on 26 July 2018 by admin

Speakers from the U.S., Israel and Canada will discuss a wide variety of topics at the third Israel Today Community Symposium, scheduled for 8:30 a.m.-5:30 p.m. Sunday, Aug. 12, at Temple Shalom.
Among the issues to be discussed are conflicts with the Arabs, two-state or one-state solution, the effect of moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, cooperation between Jews and non-Jews regarding Israel, the West Bank, Syrian drones, a democratic Jewish state or a Jewish democratic state, Iranian nukes, technology and the Israeli economy. Other topics are the history of U.S./Israeli relations, Israeli missile defense, Israeli cybersecurity, Israeli energy exploration and desalinization technology, combating anti-Israel BDS activity and why Israel is so important to non-Jews.
New to the agenda are an updated look at historical events, support from pro-Israel non-Jewish communities and Israel’s contributions to the world. Exhibitors from local and international Israel advocacy organizations will be on hand to showcase Israel’s progress in technology and self-sufficiency.
“Israel is a complex subject,” Symposium founder Ken Glaser said. “This is the best way we’ve found to present information to people who seek knowledge about the modern State of Israel — past, present and future.”
The program will feature keynote speakers and breakout sessions. More than 500 attended last year’s event.
Supporting organizations include AIPAC, AJC, Bnai Zion, DATA, Hadassah, Hillel, Development Corporation for Israel/Israel Bonds, the Aaron Family JCC, the Jewish Community Relations Council, Jewish Federation of Greater Dallas, Southwest Jewish Congress, Stand with Us, Texas-Israel Chamber of Commerce, and Congregations Adat Chaverim, Anshai Torah, Beth Torah, Nishmat Am, Shearith Israel, Temple Emanu-El, Temple Shalom and Tiferet Israel.
Registration fee is $18, which includes a kosher lunch, snacks and drinks throughout the day. For more information, visit www.israeltodaydallas.org, or contact Anita Weinstein, 2018 Israel Today Community Symposium administrator, at anitaw4470@gmail.com or 214-403-1087.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Presidents and their ties to Israel: Reagan to Trump

Presidents and their ties to Israel: Reagan to Trump

Posted on 26 July 2018 by admin

Photo: Yaakov Saar/GPO via Getty Images
President Ronald Reagan, left, meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Menahem Begin at the White House, Sept. 9, 1981

By Ron Kampeas
Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Israel turns 70 this year.
And no relationship has been more important than its on-again, off-again friendship with the United States and its presidents.
In this series, we describe the U.S.-Israel friendship through portraits of 13 of those presidents, from Harry Truman to Donald Trump.
Part II, featuring Ronald Reagan to Trump, is below. Part I, from Truman through Jimmy Carter, was published in the July 5 issue of the TJP.
Ronald Reagan: A cold warrior who cared — and sold spy planes to the Saudis
When Ronald Reagan cowed the Soviet Union into winding down the Cold War — his successor, George H.W. Bush, formally ended it — a key component of his animus toward Moscow was the treatment of its Jews.
“He was someone who was truly committed to overturning the Communist system and gaining freedom for all people, but he had a particularly soft spot in his heart for Soviet Jewry,” Mark Levin, a longtime advocate for Soviet and Eurasian Jewry, told JTA in 2004 when Reagan died.
When Theodore Mann, the chairman of the National Conference on Soviet Jewry, returned from a visit to the Soviet Union in 1981, the first call he received in his law office was from Reagan.
“He wanted to know all about the trip,” Mann said in 2004.
On Reagan’s watch, in 1986, the Soviets released Natan Sharansky, the prisoner of conscience who spent nine years in Soviet prisons. Reagan’s ties to the pro-Israel community extended back to his Hollywood days as an actor and union leader. As California governor in 1967, he headlined a pro-Israel rally at the Hollywood Bowl.
Reagan won over the wary with his avuncular affect.
“This man cared,” Shoshana Cardin, who led a number of Jewish organizations, once said of Reagan, but his persuasive powers could also be a sharp-edged weapon.
In 1981, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee lobbied hard against a proposed sale of AWACS spy plans to Saudi Arabia. Reagan met with Jewish senators one on one and threatened to unleash dual-loyalty charges if they voted against him.
“It is not the business of other nations to make American foreign policy,” the president said. The Reagan administration in 1981 joined a U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Israel’s bombing of Iraq’s nuclear reactor.
After Israel’s Christian allies in Lebanon massacred Palestinians in 1982, Reagan sent U.S. troops into Lebanon — against advice from Israel.
He and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin exchanged barbs, and Begin famously chided Reagan for treating Israel like a “banana republic.” Reagan secretly planned to surprise Begin with a peace plan that would have pulled Israel out of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Under pressure from Reagan, Israel allowed PLO leader Yasser Arafat to safely leave Lebanon.
On Reagan’s watch, authorities arrested Jonathan Pollard, a civilian Navy analyst who was a spy for Israel, and Israeli figures were caught up in his administration’s efforts to trade arms to Iran for the release of U.S. hostages in Beirut, and then funnel the proceeds to right-wing militias in Central America. In his final months in office, a lame duck beyond political pressures, Reagan established ties with the Palestine Liberation Organization.
To the chagrin of even his closest allies, Reagan went ahead with plans in 1985 to visit Germany’s Bitburg cemetery, where 40 members of the Nazi Waffen SS were buried.
“It is precisely because you have so impressed us in the past with your deep understanding of the need to keep the meaning and memory of the Holocaust alive that we have been so keenly disturbed by your plans,” Elie Wiesel, the Holocaust memoirist, said in a telegram to Reagan.
George H. W. Bush: The patrician advocate for Jews in distress and the Madrid peace talks
George H.W. Bush was involved in Soviet Jewry advocacy since his days as ambassador to the United Nations under President Richard Nixon. As Reagan’s vice president, his responsibilities included efforts to free Jews in distress — not only in the former Soviet Union but in Ethiopia and in Syria.
Bush quarterbacked Secretary of State George Schultz’ confrontation with the Soviets over Russia’s captive Jews and was instrumental in persuading the Syrian dictator, Hafez Assad, to allow young Jewish women to immigrate to the U.S. so they could marry within the faith. As president, he gave the nod to the Marxist Mengistu regime in Ethiopia that led to Operation Solomon, the mass airlift to Israel in 1991.
Following his success in the 1991 Gulf War, Bush convened the multilateral Arab-Israeli peace conference in Madrid. It was marked by his tensions with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. But in retrospect, Bush was as tough on the Arab interlocutors, and just the fact that Saudi Arabia, Gulf states and North African countries sat at the table with Israel led to Israeli diplomatic inroads in those countries.
Pro-Israel activists will never forget — or forgive — when Bush said he was “one lonely guy” facing off against “thousands of lobbyists on the Hill.” He was referring to lobbyists from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, who in 1991 were pushing back against his pledge to suspend loan guarantees to Israel unless it froze settlement building.
But lacking Reagan’s easy charm, the patrician Bush couldn’t get away with the tough-guy talk and instead sounded self-pitying and mildly anti-Semitic. His secretary of state, James Baker, didn’t help things when he reportedly dismissed the prospect of Jewish protestations by saying, essentially but much more crassly, “To hell with them — they don’t vote for us anyway.”
After Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990, the Iraqi strongman pelted Israel with missiles. Israel itched to respond, but Bush insisted that Israel take it on the chin so he could assemble as broad a coalition as possible to oust Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Israel complied, and its leaders were stunned when in the war’s aftermath, Bush used American actions to protect Israel during the war as leverage to get Israel to Madrid. It seemed galling because Israel had been reluctant to accept the assistance in the first place.
Bill Clinton: The ‘chaver’ who brought Israelis and Palestinians together — up to a point
“Shalom, chaver,” Bill Clinton said at the funeral of assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, and those two words encapsulated the intimate passion Clinton felt toward Israel: He was a friend, one close enough that he wanted to bid goodbye to a man he saw as a mentor in his language.
Clinton’s relationship with the American Jewish community was similarly intimate. Unlike George H.W. Bush, he was an adept retail politician and made it a point to win folks over. The pro-Israel community, likewise, understood that this was a president who responded best to friendly overtures. AIPAC named as its president Steve Grossman, a Massachusetts businessman and early Clinton backer. In 1995, over cigars on the White House balcony, Grossman talked Clinton into imposing the first sanctions on Iran related to its nuclear program.
Clinton, in his first term, had the luck of working with an Israeli administration whose peacemaking agenda matched his own. In what one reporter called “a triumph of hope over history,” Clinton brought Rabin and Yasser Arafat, the PLO chairman, to the White House to shake hands on their first agreement on ending their conflict.
Yet to the consternation of the Palestinians, Clinton would never get ahead of Israel. Although the Oslo track clearly was destined toward statehood for the Palestinians, Clinton did not articulate that outcome until his last weeks in office. In 2000, after the Camp David talks ended without a deal, Clinton broke with protocol and blamed Arafat for the failure.
After Rabin’s assassination in 1995, Clinton thought it important enough to preserve his friend’s legacy that he blatantly electioneered on behalf of Rabin’s successor, Shimon Peres. Rattled by a series of deadly terrorist bus bombings, Clinton pushed Middle East leaders into convening a summit against terrorism starring Peres. It didn’t work. Benjamin Netanyahu was narrowly elected to his first term in office, and the U.S.-Israel relationship turned rocky.
Clinton grew frustrated at what he said was Netanyahu’s predilection for introducing out-of-left-field demands after talks on an issue had wrapped up for the day. In one instance during the 1998 Wye River negotiations to advance the Oslo process, Netanyahu asked Arafat to assassinate a Gaza Strip police chief. In another, during the same talks, he asked Clinton to release Jonathan Pollard, the civilian Navy analyst who was caught spying for Israel. (Clinton was ready to do it, but his intelligence chiefs were outraged and threatened to quit.)
Clinton learned his lesson by the 1999 elections and kept out — kind of. His two campaign advisers, Stanley Greenberg and James Carville, traveled to Israel to advise Netanyahu’s challenger, Ehud Barak, and Barak won.
George W. Bush: Launching a war on terror, and making the case for democracy
The 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001 seemed for Israelis to be a turning point in U.S. foreign policy, burying once and for all the American realist strain that posited engagement with bad actors as a dirty but necessary statecraft. George W. Bush’s “with us or against us” approach to the war on terrorism, his very coinage of the term “war on terrorism,” was music to the ears of Israelis who for years had said that partners in peace must renounce absolutist demands and absolutist means to achieve them.
Bush extended his outlook to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Relaunching the peace process with his “road map” in 2002, one explicit condition was that he would no longer deal with Yasser Arafat, who had steered his PLO factions into participating in the bloody second intifada.
“The Jewish community started to see a resolve for promoting peace by motivating the Palestinians to take good actions rather than starting with Israeli concessions,” Jay Lefkowitz, a former Bush White House policy adviser, told JTA in 2004.
The same year, Bush made history when he recognized some Israeli claims to the West Bank. His vision of a new Middle East borrowed much from Natan Sharansky’s 2005 book, A Case for Democracy.
Bush also never demanded that Israel hew to standards he would not: Once the United States launched targeted killings against suspected terrorists, the Bush administration put an end to State Department statements condemning Israel for doing the same.
In his second term, during Israel’s 2006 war with Hezbollah, Bush overrode his secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, who was pressuring Israel to end the war before it was ready to do so.
“It is important to remember this crisis began with Hezbollah’s unprovoked terrorist attacks against Israel,” Bush said at the time.
Fred Zeidman, a Jewish Texas businessman and a longtime Bush backer, told JTA in 2004: “If there has ever been a thing that was not politically expedient, it was the way he handled Israel.”
Ariel Sharon was elected Israeli prime minister just about the same time Bush became president, and the two already were close: Two years earlier, Sharon had taken Bush on a helicopter tour of Israel to make tangible how small and vulnerable the country was. There was talk that Sharon would be to Bush what Yitzhak Rabin was to Bill Clinton: a wizened, war-tested father figure and mentor.
That didn’t quite work out, perhaps because Bush already had two competing father figures — his actual father, who unlike Clinton’s was alive, and his vice president, Dick Cheney. In any case, by 2005, the honeymoon was over. Bush had agreed not to press Israel on settlements as long as the growth remained “natural,” but Bush administration officials had concluded that the growth was anything but natural. A Texas summit in April of that year between the two leaders turned sour: Sharon, unlike most other leaders, was not invited to spend the night at Bush’s ranch, and instead was ensconced in a Waco hotel. About all the leaders could agree on was that Israel would withdraw its settlements and troops from the Gaza Strip that summer. By the time of the 2009 transition to the Obama administration, Bush administration officials were so frustrated with Israel they treated the “natural growth” agreement as null and void.
Also irritating the relationship was the raid in 2004 by federal agents on AIPAC’s offices in pursuit of evidence of espionage charges that years later proved groundless.
A tireless democracy promoter, Bush insisted on Palestinian elections in 2006, which Israel correctly feared would bring about a Hamas victory. (It didn’t help that Rice, on multiple occasions, likened what she witnessed in the West Bank to her upbringing in the Jim Crow South.)
Bush also rejected Sharon’s advice to topple Saddam Hussein in Iraq and get out, again pinning his hopes on Iraq to set an example as an Arab democracy. Instead, a long U.S.-led occupation went south and set the stage for the rise of Iran in the region — and ultimately dampened American enthusiasm for involvement in the Middle East. Israelis complained privately that Bush’s focus on Iraq was giving Iran a free hand. Adding salt to the wound, Bush denied an Israeli request in 2008 for permission to fly through Iraqi airspace to hit Iran’s suspected nuclear weapons facilities.
He remained beloved nonetheless and delivered a speech at the Knesset in May 2008 marking Israel’s 60th anniversary.
“You have raised a modern society in the Promised Land, a light unto the nations that preserves the legacy of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob,” Bush said to applause. “And you have built a mighty democracy that will endure forever and can always count on the United States of America to be at your side.”
“Such statements about the State of Israel have never been spoken before by a U.S. president in the Knesset,” marveled Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.
Barack Obama: Acts of friendship and diplomatic pratfalls
Barack Obama, a Democratic presidential hopeful, did something few before or since have accomplished as a speaker at AIPAC’s annual conference: In 2008, the then-U.S. senator from Illinois received a standing ovation for talking about something that had nothing to do with Israel.
“In the great social movements in our country’s history, Jewish- and African-Americans have stood shoulder to shoulder,” he said.
Obama seemed to herald a return to an alliance long troubled, in part because of differences over Israel and increasing African-American sympathies for the Palestinians. Candidate Obama sought out the council of Israel’s then-opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu and a range of pro-Israel figures in the United States on the threat posed by Iran and on the means to achieve peace. As president, he expressed affection for the state — and for the Jewish community — in ways that suggested his belief in the U.S.-Israel alliance stemmed from his perspective as a black man.
“To a young man like me, grappling with his own identity, recognizing the scars of race here in this nation, inspired by the civil rights struggle, the idea that you could be grounded in your history, as Israel was, but not be trapped by it, to be able to repair the world — that idea was liberating,” he told the Adas Israel congregation in Washington in May 2015, the first address by a president to a Jewish congregation. “The example of Israel and its values was inspiring.”
Obama put an end to the linking of loan guarantees to Israel’s spending on settlement construction and increased defense assistance to Israel to the unprecedented level of $38 billion over 10 years, making permanent hundreds of millions of dollars in assistance to Israel’s anti-missile programs. He authorized assistance to Iron Dome, the short-range anti-missile system that has proven critical in Israel’s three wars since 2009 with Hamas on its border with the Gaza Strip. In 2011, when Israeli diplomats were trapped inside the Cairo embassy by rioters, Obama made their extraction a priority. “This was a decisive and fateful moment,” Netanyahu said. “He said ‘I will do everything I can,’” he said, referring to Obama. “And so he did.”
There was a hard edge to Obama’s embrace of the alliance: Israel’s military might and intelligence savvy provided the pressure that Obama sought to leverage Iranian compliance with his demands that it roll back its nuclear weapons program. Under Obama, Israel and the United States are believed to have worked together to create the computer virus that crippled Iran’s uranium enrichment capability in 2010. Israelis unhesitatingly said military and intelligence cooperation was closer under Obama than any of his predecessors.
Beyond the secret relationships, there were plenty of firsts: Obama was the first president to conduct formal Passover Seders in the White House; the first to mark Jewish Heritage Month in May with a party; the first to deliver a speech at the Israeli Embassy, marking Holocaust remembrance; the first, in 2016, to hold multiple Hanukkah parties to accommodate demand. (Multiple Christmas parties have long been a thing.) He may have been the first, in 2011, to structure a speech to a Jewish audience, the Union for Reform Judaism, around a d’var Torah.
But Obama’s relationship with Israel suffered from the flaw of every good friend who is certain he “gets” you: He doesn’t truly get you.
Before Obama was elected, he told a group of Jews, “I think there is a strain within the pro-Israel community that says unless you adopt an unwavering pro-Likud approach to Israel that you’re anti-Israel, and that can’t be the measure of our friendship with Israel.” The implication was that Netanyahu’s party was a nuisance — especially awkward after Netanyahu would return to office just weeks after Obama was inaugurated.
The conversation between Obama and Israelis — Netanyahu, in particular — seemed susceptible to pratfalls, however good the intentions on both sides.
Obama addressed the Muslim world in a 2009 speech in Cairo, and said Holocaust denial was corrosive and counseled acceptance of Israel; he was lacerated because it seemed to some that he predicated Israel’s existence on the Holocaust. The next year, Vice President Joe Biden landed in Israel for a let’s-be-friends trip; within hours the mood was soured when a midlevel Israeli bureaucrat announced, apparently to Netanyahu’s surprise, that there would be new building in eastern Jerusalem.
And the next year, in 2011, Obama outlined a Middle East policy that for the first time included a formal American endorsement of a longstanding Israeli demand that a Palestinian state be demilitarized. Whatever goodwill that may have garnered was squashed by Obama’s inclusion of the 1967 lines as the basis for a Palestinian-Israeli border. Netanyahu subsequently lectured Obama on Middle East history in the Oval Office.
Nothing frustrated Netanyahu and his advisers more than repeated assurances from Obama and his cohort that they knew what was good for Israel, particularly heading into the Iran nuclear deal in 2015.
“To friends of Israel, and to the Israeli people, I say this: A nuclear-armed Iran is far more dangerous to Israel, to America, and to the world than an Iran that benefits from sanctions relief,” he said in a 2015 speech on the deal, which swapped sanctions relief for a rollback in Iran’s nuclear program.
Netanyahu decried the deal as a deadly one, saying its “sunset clauses” removing some restrictions simply delayed for a few years Iran’s nuclear weapons. He arranged with the Republican leadership in Congress to speak out against the deal in a joint meeting, infuriating Obama and prompting a rift between Israel and Democrats that persists until this day. AIPAC threw itself into trying to stop the deal, intensely lobbying lawmakers to kill it and other Jewish organizations to speak up against it.
The pattern — an act of friendship followed by a diplomatic slapdown — persisted until the end of the Obama presidency. His administration’s two final Israel-related acts were signing the deal with Israel that guaranteed unprecedented levels of assistance — and then letting the U.N. Security Council adopt a resolution condemning Israel’s settlements. Notably, it was the first time that Obama failed to stop a Security Council resolution that Israel opposed — his predecessors allowed through multiple such resolutions.
Obama was adamant to the end that he had Israel’s best interests at heart. Four days before he left office, he told Israel’s Channel 2, “I believe it would be a moral betrayal for the world not to protect and secure a homeland for the Jewish people.”
Donald Trump: Following through on his Israel promises
Donald Trump, the unlikeliest of Republican presidents, has gotten a reputation for unpredictability. But if he is consistent on one thing, it is his campaign promises. He tends to keep them.
On Dec. 6, 2017, he made good on his promise to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv.
“While previous presidents have made this a major campaign promise, they failed to deliver,” Trump said. “Today, I am delivering.”
Trump not only delivers, he delivers with a vengeance. Recognizing Jerusalem and setting a schedule to move the embassy would have been enough for his Jewish base, but Trump accelerated the process and the embassy opened in May, albeit in temporary quarters.
The same goes for his other Israel-related pledges. Trump promised to block Israel-hostile actions at the United Nations; his ambassador to the body, Nikki Haley, has been perhaps the most proactively pro-Israel envoy since Daniel Patrick Moynihan under Gerald Ford. Haley has forced the United Nations to withdraw reports critical of Israel and stopped a Palestinian from assuming a senior position in the body because the same courtesy has yet to be afforded to an Israeli.
Similarly, Trump said he would reconsider the Iran nuclear deal; he has scrapped it.
“With President Trump, I have fewer disagreements,” Netanyahu said when he was asked to compare his interactions with Obama and Clinton. “It’s fair to say I don’t have any disagreements.”
Trump wants to revive Israeli-Palestinian talks and has entrusted the task to a team of three, all with solid pro-Israel ties, led by his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who is Jewish.
In the second year of his presidency, Trump is bolder and more confident in his role, and is distancing himself from the foreign policy mavens who insist the United States must ensure stability worldwide. For example, he plans to pull out from Syria the 2,000 or so troops there training and advising U.S.-friendly rebel forces.
“It is very costly for our country, and it helps other countries more than it helps us,” Trump said in April of the U.S. presence in Syria. “I want to get out, I want to bring our troops back home.”
That’s not a prospect Israel relishes. Russia has joined with Iran and Hezbollah — both deadly enemies to Israel — in propping up the Assad regime in Syria. Israel is adamantly opposed to a long-term Iranian presence in Syria, and to an emboldened Hezbollah, the Lebanese militia that launched a war against Israel in 2006.
Now that Syria’s civil war is winding down, the absence of a U.S. presence would give Russia, Iran and Hezbollah more room to consolidate their presence there. Already the prospect of an Israeli conflict not just with Iran but possibly with Russia is looming in Syria.
Trump’s base on the isolationist right has made it eminently clear it wants out of Syria, and Trump is being responsive. The same loyalty to his base could explain the horror he has stirred among American Jews with his failure to condemn — and at times his seeming encouragement of — white supremacists.
The most searing moment was last August, when it took Trump days to unequivocally condemn the neo-Nazis who marched in Charlottesville, Virginia, an event that culminated in a car-ramming attack on counterprotesters that killed one. Trump said there were “very fine” people on both sides, drawing rebukes from across the Jewish spectrum — including, unprecedentedly, from AIPAC and even the Republican Jewish Coalition.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

One-Pot Paprika Chicken with Orzo and Olives

One-Pot Paprika Chicken with Orzo and Olives

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Photo: Samantha Ferraro
One-Pot Paprika Chicken with Orzo and Olives

 

By Samantha Ferraro
This one-pot paprika chicken is a take on my mom’s memorable paprika chicken recipe. I have very fond memories of cleaning the whole bird and then rubbing it down with loads of paprika for weeknight dinners. The spice gives a deep rich color and imparts a delicious smoky flavor.
This is my updated and modernized variation of mom’s simple recipe made into an easy one-pan meal. Oh, and find yourself some Castelvetrano olives — they are buttery with a bit of brine and are so addictive.
Tip: If you can’t find the specified olives, substitute with the easier-to-find green manzanilla olives.
This recipe is excerpted with permission from Samantha Ferraro’s new cookbook, The Weeknight Mediterranean Kitchen.
Ingredients:
2 pounds chicken thighs, bone-in and skin-on
2 teaspoons smoked paprika
½ teaspoon salt
Olive oil, as needed
1 shallot, chopped finely
2 garlic cloves, chopped finely
8 ounces dried orzo
2 cups chicken stock
1 lemon, sliced
1 cup whole pitted Castelvetrano olives
Chopped parsley, for garnish
Directions:
1. Heat the oven to 350 degrees.
2. In a bowl, toss the chicken with the paprika and salt, making sure the spices evenly coat the chicken.
3. Heat a large skillet over medium-high heat and add enough olive oil to coat the bottom. Don’t add too much oil because the chicken will give off its own fat, as well.
4. Once the oil is hot, place the chicken thighs skin-side down into the hot pan and cook until a deep golden brown, about 3 to 4 minutes, and then flip the chicken over to the other side and cook for an additional 3 minutes.
5. Once both sides of the chicken are a deep golden brown, remove to a plate and set aside.
6. In the same hot skillet, add the shallot and sauté until lightly golden, about 2 to 3 minutes. Add the garlic and sauté for another minute.
7. Add the orzo and stir so it is coated in the oil and aromatics (this will give it great flavor). Use a spatula to even out the orzo. Add the chicken back into the pan, skin-side up, and pour in the stock.
8. Scatter the lemon slices and olives over the chicken and orzo and place in the oven, covered, for 25 minutes. Remove the cover and continue cooking for an additional 12 to 15 minutes.
9. Once cooked, remove from the oven and garnish with parsley. Serves 2-4.
Samantha Ferraro is the food blogger and photographer for The Little Ferraro Kitchen. Follow Samantha at http://littleferrarokitchen.com.
The Nosher food blog offers a dazzling array of new and classic Jewish recipes and food news, from Europe to Yemen, from challah to shakshuka and beyond. Check it out at www.TheNosher.com.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Harissa Salmon Nicoise Salad: a spicy treat

Harissa Salmon Nicoise Salad: a spicy treat

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Processed with VSCO with 4 preset

 

By Chaya Rappoport
(The Nosher via JTA) — Harissa is a spicy, rich-flavored North African chili paste and it is one of my favorite condiments to use in the kitchen. It is traditionally made with roasted red pepper, chiles, garlic and a mixture of spices, depending on the family and exact origin. You can easily find several varieties in the supermarket (usually in the ethnic foods aisle), but I prefer making my own, in part so I can control the level of spice.
A traditional Nicoise salad features baby potatoes, haricots verts, European-style tuna, olives and hard-boiled egg. In this amped-up version, many of the traditional elements remain, but the tuna is swapped for a harissa-smothered salmon and preserved lemon is added for some North African authenticity, which makes it brighter and punchier.
Nicoise purists might balk at this recipe, but I promise: This spiced salmon salad is delicious, filling and perfect to enjoy all summer.
Notes:
* You can simplify this recipe by buying harissa already made.
* Don’t stress about making your own dressing — you can also dress it simply with olive oil and lemon juice or white wine vinegar.
* You can prepare the salmon, potatoes, haricots verts and hard-boiled eggs ahead of time, and when ready to serve, simply assemble. It makes it a great dish for entertaining or Shabbat lunch.
Ingredients:
For the salad:
4 ounces small red and purple potatoes
Kosher salt
4 ounces haricots verts (string beans), trimmed
4 ounces heirloom cherry tomatoes, halved crosswise
1 or 2 hard-boiled eggs, halved crosswise
4 cups lettuce and/or mixed greens, washed, dried and chopped
¼ cup black or Nicoise olives, pitted
Flaky salt and fresh black pepper, for serving

For the salmon:
6 ounces fresh salmon, skin removed
2 tablespoons olive oil
Prepared harissa (around ½ cup to 1 cup depending on size of salmon and your preference)

For the harissa:
1 large red pepper
2 tablespoons olive oil
1 small red onion, diced
4 cloves garlic, minced
4 dried red chiles
1 tablespoon tomato paste
¼ cup fresh parsley
½ teaspoon salt
¼ teaspoon ground cumin
¼ teaspoon ras el hanout
1½ teaspoons smoked paprika

For the dressing:
4 oil-packed anchovy fillets, finely minced
1 tablespoon whole-grain Dijon mustard
1 small shallot, finely minced
1 small clove garlic, finely minced
1 tablespoon white wine vinegar
2 teaspoons finely chopped preserved lemon peel
½ cup extra-virgin olive oil
Kosher salt and freshly ground black pepper
Directions:
1. To make the harissa: Broil the red pepper on high for about 25 minutes, turning occasionally, until blackened on the outside. Transfer to a bowl, cover with plastic wrap and let cool. This is called sweating, and it allows you to easily peel the skin off the pepper. Peel the pepper and discard its skin and seeds.
2. Rehydrate the chiles by placing them in a bowl of hot water for 10 minutes.
3. Heat the olive oil in a skillet over medium heat, and fry the onion, garlic and rehydrated chiles for 10 to 12 minutes, until dark and smoky. Now use a blender or a food processor to combine all the harissa ingredients until smooth, adding a little more oil if needed.
4. Heat the oven to 425 degrees. Place salmon on a baking paper-lined baking dish and rub with olive oil. Spread harissa thickly on top, reserving the rest for something else. Bake for 10 minutes.
5. Meanwhile, prepare the rest of the ingredients. Place potatoes in a medium saucepan and add cold water to cover by 1 inch.
6. Bring to a boil, season with kosher salt and cook until fork-tender, 15−20 minutes. Transfer potatoes to a plate with a slotted spoon.
7. Return water to a boil and cook haricots verts in same saucepan until crisp-tender, about 2 minutes.
8. Using a slotted spoon, transfer to a bowl of ice water. Chill until cold, about 3 minutes. Transfer to paper towels and pat dry.
9. To make the dressing: Mash the anchovies and mustard in a small bowl to form a coarse paste. Add the minced shallot, garlic and preserved lemon to the bowl; whisk in the white wine vinegar. Slowly whisk in the olive oil. Season vinaigrette with salt and pepper as needed.
10. Using a fork, flake the harissa salmon into large pieces; halve reserved potatoes crosswise.
11. Arrange lettuce on a platter; season with salt and pepper. Drizzle with half of dressing.
Top with separate piles of potatoes, haricots verts, tomatoes, the hard-boiled eggs, olives and salmon.
12. Drizzle salad with remaining dressing. Sprinkle with flaky salt and pepper.
Chaya Rappoport is the blogger, baker and picture taker behind retrolillies.wordpress.com. Currently a pastry sous chef at a Brooklyn bakery, she’s been blogging since 2012 and her work has been featured on The Feed, Delish.com, Food and Wine, and Conde Nast Traveler.
The Nosher food blog offers a dazzling array of new and classic Jewish recipes and food news, from Europe to Yemen, from challah to shakshuka and beyond. Check it out at www.TheNosher.com.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Little-known Jews responsible for well-known things

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Did you know that there are numerous people whose achievements are famous, but their names are generally not known? Here is a sampling of some Jewish achievers.
Jacob Youphes was a tailor from Riga, Russia, who changed his name to Davis after arriving in the United States.
His customers wanted tougher work clothes, so he invented a reinforcement process using copper rivets and reinforced stitching in cotton denim that he purchased from Levi Strauss.
Needing financial assistance for a patent and additional material as orders piled up, Davis turned to Strauss, and a lifelong partnership was begun.
People began calling the durable pants “Levi’s,” but it was Jacob Davis who made the jeans tough.
Julius Rosenwald was a poor peddler’s son who was also a tailor, eventually growing his business of producing a clothing line for the expanding Sears, Roebuck (mail-order catalog) and Company.
Rosenwald’s investment in Sears expanded as the company grew, and he eventually became president of the Sears Corporation.
After accumulating financial power, Rosenwald sought to put his fortune to worthwhile causes.
He partnered with the African-American community to improve African-American education, amounting to an investment of $70 million. Those funds resulted in the establishment of more than 5,000 schools for African-Americans, These were informally known as “Rosenwald Schools.”
Morris and Rose Michtom were a Brooklyn couple who owned a candy store. At night, they would make stuffed animals, which they displayed and sold in their store.
They saw a newspaper cartoon poking fun at a recent situation when President Theodore Roosevelt was on a bear hunting trip in Mississippi. A bear could not be found, except for a small cub that was tied to a tree.
The president refused to shoot the bear, and the newspaper cartoonist had his subject.
Rose saw the cartoon, built the teddy bear and, after writing the president, the Michtoms received permission to refer to the doll as the Teddy Bear. It was such a hit that their venture became the Ideal Toy Company. I don’t know about you, but I remember having a teddy bear when I was a little kid.
Isidor Rabi was a Polish-born American physicist and Nobel Prize winner in 1944, for his discovery of nuclear magnetic resonance, which led to microwave radar and microwave ovens.
Laszlo Biro, a Hungarian journalist originally from Argentina, worked with his chemist brother to develop the first working ballpoint pen in 1931.
Does the name Allie Wrubel ring a bell? Probably not. He was a musician who eventually moved to Hollywood, writing music for Disney.
What you will probably remember are some of his prize-winning songs of the 1940s, such as Zip-a-Dee-Doo-Dah, The Lady From 29 Palms, Music Maestro Please, The Lady in Red, Gone With The Wind and Mine Alone.
Robert Adler, working for Zenith Television in the 1950s, took up his boss’s challenge to invent a device that can be used to tune out commercials, resulting in the first TV remote control. Of course, we still have the commercials.
The famous Barbie doll was the brainchild of American businesswoman Ruth Handler in 1959.
Samuel Ruben, scientist, accumulated more than 300 patents, including Duracell batteries. At the request of the Army Signal Corps, in 1942 he developed the mercury button cell to replace zinc carbon batteries.
Amazingly, the list of inventive Jews is never-ending.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

The wealthy may not necessarily be so rich

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

After a record-breaking Amazon Prime Day, the newest figures came out and the net worth of Amazon founder Jeff Bezos topped a whopping $150 billion. Of course, the internet went crazy (no surprise there) estimating how much money Bezos was making per day, per hour, per minute and per second. (Money magazine did a calculation of Bezos’ staggering net growth from Jan. 1 to May 1 of this year and found that he made $275 million a day, which, when broken down, equals $11.5 million per hour, $191,000 per minute and $3,182 per second.)
News of wealth of this proportion generally leads to mass daydreaming by the public. We all wonder what we might do, where we might go and what we might purchase with so much money at our disposal. It’s a fun game to play, no doubt, but it’s important in the midst of all the hysteria and hoopla surrounding the acquisition of physical wealth that we not lose sight of the deeper, truer wealth that remains accessible to all of us and the dangers that surround the unchecked pursuit of money.
Ben Zoma famously taught that the Torah’s definition of wealth is far different from the world’s. “Who is rich?” he asked, “One who is happy with his lot” (Pirkei Avot 4:1). True wealth, Ben Zoma taught, is not measured by how much one possesses but by how little one lacks. Someone who has attained his goal and wants for nothing is the truly wealthy individual. Whereas the individual flush with cash and possessions who nevertheless craves more and more never finds that peace of mind he so desperately seeks.
Such an individual never ceases imagining that the next new and exciting acquisition will finally provide him with that much-sought-after, illusive inner serenity. And all for naught. Ironically, it is the unending pursuit of money and the feelings of dissatisfaction with one’s current standing that often accompany the pursuit of money that causes a man to be poor by Torah standards.
How do we become the types of people who become happy with our lot? The commentaries (Chasam Sofer, Chofetz Chaim and others) suggest that the answer to that question lies in the unusual wording of the mishnah itself. For instead of utilizing the common phrasing “One who is happy with what he has,” the mishnah adopts the distinct phrase “One who is happy with his lot.” And a “lot” implies that the happiness referenced herein stems specifically from the knowledge that all that one has is allotted by the Almighty for a specific function and purpose in this world: your one-of-a-kind purpose in this world.
So, whether one has vast wealth or far less than one’s neighbors, our collective happiness depends on recognizing God’s fingerprints on our wallets and trusting that we have exactly that which we need to fulfill our purpose on this Earth. Any happiness-depriving jealousy of others would be deeply inconsistent with such a spiritual vision.
On the flip side, King Solomon warns of the intoxicating nature of money and our endless and fruitless pursuit of it: “Whoever loves silver will not be sated with silver, and he who loves a multitude without increase — this too is vanity” (Kohelet 5:9). The Sages similarly recounted, “No one leaves this world with even half of his desires fulfilled. One who has one hundred wants two hundred. If he has two hundred he desires four hundred” (Kohelet Rabba 1:34).
As for an insight into the deep-seated makings of mankind’s unquenchable thirst for money, Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch Zt’’l (1808-1888) offers this following profound commentary on Pirkei Avot 4:1:
“Striving after money, the means for pleasure, has no limit; for though money in itself does not give pleasure, it makes possible all future enjoyment. Therefore, the lust for money can never be satisfied.”
The physical pleasures of this world all have a satiation point. Eat enough food and drink enough drink, and your stomach is full. One’s hunger pangs subside, and there’s hardly room inside for more. So it is with other earthly pleasures. A hunger for pleasure wells within, yearning to be quenched, and once satisfied goes silent again — or at least for a short while.
Money is different. It offers no direct physical pleasure and therefore has no satiation point. Money rather represents the capital for all future pleasures to come. And just as the possibilities for man’s future are limitless, so too is his drive to acquire the medium (money) that will help finance those prospects.
As far as Judaism is concerned, wealth is not to be disparaged. On the contrary, money in the right hands can serve as a powerful force for good in this world. The world needs more individuals devoted to significant charitable giving as it does breadwinners committed to familial self-reliance. Money, however, must always remain in our eyes as a means to such larger sacred goals, never as an end in itself, a goal to achieve. After all, one can go mad laboring to score a goal on a target that never stops moving.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Be kind to people, animals and the planet Earth

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Dear Families,
To make a kinder world, we must make our own space kinder and then expand beyond. There are so many little ways that help us change ourselves, which will then help us change the world. Every kind act affects someone who then touches another person, and the chain continues. When we act kindly toward others, they feel good and then so do we. Is this making a difference? Yes, definitely.
Text of the week
Shammai says, “Make your Torah (study) a fixed practice; say little and do much; and greet everyone with a pleasant countenance.” —Pirkei Avot 1:15
• The sages tell us that everything is in the Torah and you can learn how to live by studying. Why do you think the rabbis tell us to study on a regular basis? How can study help you treat people better?
• What does it mean to “say little and do much”?
• Greeting everyone with a smile is the best way to make people happy, but why would it be part of this three-part mishnah?
• As with each mishnah, how are the three parts connected?
Value of the week
Kindness (sayver panim yafot — “Put on a Happy Face”
Kindness is when we care about others and showing that concern. We should show kindness to everything that is part of God’s creation: people, animals and the environment. Kindness can be shown in small ways that will make a difference. Greeting everyone with a smile brightens the day and makes people feel good. Smiling is the beginning of friendship. It makes people happy — and it feels good inside.
Things to Do:
• Listening and paying attention to someone is one of the kindest acts we can do.
• Do kind acts that help the earth; reduce, reuse, recycle.
• Be welcoming to new people and accepting of all people.
• Do things that give others happiness.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Inquisitor’s Tale reminds us of Chaucer

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Here’s a new book that can be read with enjoyment by almost anyone approaching teenage or above — and almost everyone, depending on age, will get something different from it. Its format and historic setting mimic Geoffrey Chaucer’s great Canterbury Tales, where everyone sitting in the same inn tells a different, fascinating story.
Adam Gidwitz adapts many of those literary conceits for The Inquisitor’s Tale, subtitled The Three Magical Children and Their Holy Dog. This last, all by itself, should be enough to get you interested.
But here’s a problem: It has won just about every prize awarded for children’s books since it appeared in 2016, which can be a turnoff for adults — who will actually get much more out of this reading than any youngster. I assure you, the twists and turns of Gidwitz’ compelling story, with Hatem Aly’s marginal illustrations in the style of pre-printing press manuscripts, will both fascinate and challenge.
There is no way I can compress the plot for you without destroying the joy you’ll have in following it yourself. But I can describe — briefly — the principal characters. There is a tall, rather dark-skinned boy, William, who has been a monk-in-training and brings his amazing physical strength to the story. There is a young Jewish boy, Jacob, a healer who knows about pogroms and such, but also much of our people’s heritage and wisdom (not a surprise: I’m sure Gidwitz knows his Jewish history and has himself studied up on Torah and Talmud). And there is a girl, Jeanne, who, with her greyhound Gwenforte, can do things that sometimes verge on the supernatural — and sometimes really are. How this trio comes to be a powerful unit starts off the story.
But only a start, for the big tale — in the style and spirit of Chaucer — is made up of many little tales, told as a variety of travelers while away their evenings in a French inn, with strong drink flowing into their tankards to encourage talk about their experiences, and the memories that bear upon — and ultimately reveal — the whole story. The year set for these tellings is 1242.
I should be more specific and tell you that the children’s literature prizes showered upon this book tend to specify it for a middle-grades readership. But I think that even those youngsters may have a hard time handling some of the harrowing experiences these three children go through, throughout The Inquisitor’s Tale. If you know about the Middle Ages and the Crusades, I don’t have to tell you that most of the strange, heroic trio’s adventures involve deaths, some of those most beloved to them, and sustained threats to their own lives.
The happy ending comes because of how these children pool their exceptional abilities to help each other survive all those threats. This brings with it some surprises — none of them baldly telegraphed in the writing so that they do remain to surprise at the end — and the assurance that normal lives (at least what would be most normal for each of them in their time and place) await them after the book’s last page has been turned.
And there are 350 of them. In addition, there is an extensive listing of annotated sources that writer Gidwitz used in the six years it took him to assemble all these varied takes on medieval tales into one complete book. The adjectives awarded it by a stellar number of review sources attest to his success: The New York Times calls his achievement “staggering”…to the Wall Street Journal, it is “sparkling”…Booklist’s words are “a taut, inspired adventure.” But Kirkus tops them all: “Gidwitz strikes literary gold with this masterpiece of storytelling…”
Postscript: Mont-Saint-Michel is the final setting for this book. It was also of great importance in World War II. For a truly Jewish tale in which this same site figures importantly, read Irwin Shaw’s compelling and haunting story, Act of Faith.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Returning Jews are replanting seeds of Jacob

Posted on 25 July 2018 by admin

Dear Rabbi Fried,
You mentioned last week, as you often do, that we Jews in America are in the midst of a “spiritual holocaust.” If that is the case, how could you ever be in a state of comforting? (I.e., the Shabbat following the Ninth of Av is called the Shabbat of Comforting.) How could one be in a state of comfort in the midst of a holocaust?
Marna T.

Dear Marna,
I once approached one of the leading sages of the past generation, Rav Zelig Epstein ob’m, with a very similar question. I was discussing with him, over two decades ago, the phenomenon in our generation of Baalei Teshuva, or Jewish returnees to Judaism. He was in great wonderment over this occurrence since he, as a survivor of prewar Poland, only saw Jews leaving Judaism but not returning. The Baal Teshuva was virtually unheard of, and it gave him unbounding joy to hear about this movement and what was happening in Dallas at the time.
I asked the Rav, how can one truly be joyous over the disconnected, distant Jews becoming connected and more observant, when the numbers of those Jews pale greatly in comparison to the 100,000 Jews per year who become disconnected, often disclaiming their Judaism completely? For this reason, another sage of his generation, Rav Shimon Schwab ob’m, coined the oft-used term Spiritual Holocaust of America. Even if hundreds per year return, when you do the math, there doesn’t seem to be much to rejoice in.
Rav Zelig replied that, although we certainly need to be sad and mourn the enormous loss of so many of our brothers and sisters to assimilation, we still have good reason to rejoice in the return of those hundreds. This is because those being lost are the continuation of the European Holocaust during World War II; that physical holocaust hasn’t ended and is continuing in the spiritual realm. Just like we mourn the Holocaust of Auschwitz we mourn the spiritual holocaust of America.
On the other hand, the returnees, the Baalei Teshuva, exclaimed Rav Zelig, represent something else entirely; they are ushering in the Messianic era.
The venerable Rav said that this message is implicit in the prophecy of Isaiah (27:6, the Haftarah of Parshas Shemos), “Those coming will set down the roots of Jacob; Israel shall blossom, and the face of the earth will be filled with their fruit.” What roots of Jacob will “those coming” plant? All Jews grow out of the roots that Jacob already planted so long ago.
He answered that the roots planted by Jacob were severed by the European Jews’ forsaking the covenant of Jacob. That disconnect was rendered complete by the Holocaust, which almost completely broke the chain of transmission of our heritage from parents to their children. This is why Jacob lost his prophecy when, at the end of his life, he wanted to reveal to his sons, the tribes of Israel, the future of the Jewish people. (See Rashi to Genesis 49:1.)
When he looked forward prophetically at the overview of Jewish history and saw the unspeakable Holocaust, when nearly all that was built over thousands of years was destroyed and the tradition was uprooted, he became sad and lost his prophecy, which rests only with joy. He proceeded to bless his sons rather than reveal the future if it ended, in his vision, so bleakly.
What Isaiah was shown is where Jacob’s prophecy left off: that after the destruction there will yet be a new generation who will replant the uprooted roots of Jacob. These are the Baalei Teshuva: those who don’t have an unbroken chain of tradition from their homes but will, with the inner strength of their Jewish souls, pick up the broken pieces, replant the saplings of those uprooted roots and bring the Jewish people back to healthy growth. Their fruit will fill the land, meaning that, as the Sages teach, that in the merit of these Baalei Teshuva we will merit the redemption.
So, ended Rav Zelig, although we truly must mourn every Jew lost to our people, we certainly have much to be joyous in these beautiful Baalei Teshuva. This is because when we see them, we are beholding the very Jews who, in their merit, are ushering in the era of Moshiach.
The meaning of “Nachamu” is not simply “comfort.” The deeper meaning is to look at things in a different way, a paradigm shift. (See Rashi to Genesis 6:6.) Although we have just emerged from a period of the remembrance of so much destruction and pain, we Jews have good reason for hope. We have the promise we will never be forsaken, and our redemption is not far off. In our times we have all the more reason to be ever so hopeful; we have the beautiful Baalei Teshuva raising the banner of Moshiach, leading us all in the glorious march to his arrival, may it be speedily in our days.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

Moses’ memory tricked him at the wilderness

Posted on 20 July 2018 by admin

Memory can be a tricky thing. I know that when I recall past events, I don’t always get all the details correct. Sometimes I don’t manage to get any of the details correct.
It’s like that song from Gigi (if I remember correctly), where two of the characters are reminiscing back and forth: “We met at 9. We met at 8. I was on time. No, you were late. Ah, yes, I remember it well.” The emotional memory was strong and accurate, even if the details were completely off. And that’s what makes memory so tricky because we might vividly remember how we felt, even though we don’t recall an accurate memory of events as they occurred.
This week, we start the fifth and final book in the Torah, Devarim, which is conveniently the name of both the book and the portion. The entire book is Moses’ recollection and final charge to the Israelites whom he has led for the past 40 years. There we were about to cross over the Jordan River, and Moses was preparing for his own death. So, Moses began to recount the events that led them to that moment in our history and leave final instructions for our own benefit and relationship with God.
But this is where the tricky memory part comes in. In recounting how the 12 spies entered the Land of Israel to scout out the land, Moses blames the People of Israel for him not being allowed to enter the Land (Deuteronomy 1:37): “Because of you the Eternal was incensed with me too, and God said: ‘You shall not enter it either.’” Oh, yes, Moses remembered it well, if not accurately.
In actual fact, it wasn’t until sometime later, after the incident with the spies (see Numbers Chapters 13 and 14) and when they had arrived at the wilderness of Kadesh (see Numbers Chapter 20), that Moses is barred from entering the Land of Israel. Famously, Moses strikes the rock to bring out water for a thirsty and complaining people, instead of invoking God’s name to bring out water. And in response? (Numbers 20:12) “But the Eternal said to Moses and Aaron, ‘Because you did not trust Me enough to affirm My sanctity in the sight of the Israelite people, therefore you shall not lead this congregation into the land that I have given them.’”
What an emotional blow it must have been to Moses that he had led the People of Israel for all that time, only to lose his temper and lose his chance to make it to the Promised Land. I understand and empathize with the emotional memory that they had provoked him and it was their provocation that made Moses miss out. But that wasn’t was really happened.
It is important, vital even, to remember where we have come from before we are able to move forward. It is equally important that our memories be as accurate as possible to the actual event. When we argue with each other about past events, it’s quite possible that both sides are experiencing completely accurate memories of how they felt, while simultaneously remembering the actual event differently. We might perfectly recall our feelings, while conflating them onto inaccurate recollections of events. After all, memory is a tricky thing.
Rabbi Benjamin D. Sternman is the spiritual leader of Adat Chaverim in Plano.

Facebooktwittergoogle_plusredditpinterestlinkedinmail

View or Subscribe to the
Texas Jewish Post

Advertise Here

Photos from our Flickr stream

See all photos

Advertise Here